《查理週刊》遇襲一年祭 One year after Charlie Hebdo France is in need of vision
A year after the terrorist attack on the offices of the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo, the mood in France is a mixture of resilience, uncertainty and growing internal division.
在諷刺漫畫雜誌《查理週刊》(Charlie Hebdo)編輯部遭遇恐怖襲擊一年後，法國全國的情緒夾雜着堅韌、不確定以及日益擴大的內部分裂。
The murder of 12 people at the magazine and four people at a Jewish supermarket two days later presaged the slaughter carried out in Paris on November 13 by terrorists claiming allegiance to the militant Islamists of Isis.
去年1月7日《查理週刊》遇襲造成12人遇害，兩天後一家猶太超市遇襲造成4人死亡。去年11月13日，一羣聲稱忠於“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯蘭國”(ISIS)伊斯蘭主義武裝分子的恐怖分子在巴黎發動了又一場殺戮。
The sense of threat lingers, with heavily armed soldiers and police patrolling the streets of the capital and other big cities.
全副武裝的軍警在巴黎及法國其他大城市的大街小巷上巡邏，在這種情況下，面臨威脅的感覺揮之不去。
France is at war and must be prepared for the possibility, if not probability, of further attacks, as President Hollande warned in his traditional New Year address.
正如法國總統弗朗索瓦攠朗德( Hollande)在傳統的新年致辭中所警告的那樣，法國正處於戰爭狀態，必須爲遭受進一步襲擊的可能性（就算不是大概率事件）做好準備。
Yet the terrorists have failed. If resistance means going to cafés, bars and restaurants and attending concerts, after a week or so of disarray, then life goes on, albeit with fewer Japanese and Americans tourists. The French have chosen to live as though they are not potential targets of further attacks.
不過，恐怖分子失敗了。如果抵抗意味着在經歷一週左右的混亂後人們重新進入咖啡店、酒吧和餐廳、以及參加音樂會的話，那麼巴黎的生活在繼續，儘管日本和美國遊客有所減少。法國人選擇照常生活，就好像自己不是下一波襲擊的潛在目標。
If the goal of the terrorists was to divide the French people and to encourage support for the far-right National Front while pushing the large Muslim minority into the arms of radical fundamentalists, they failed in that too.
如果恐怖分子的目標是分裂法國人、促使人們支持極右翼的國民陣線(National Front)，同時把人數衆多的穆斯林少數族裔推向激進原教旨主義者的懷抱，那麼他們也失敗了。
Polls show strong support for military action in the Middle East and the Sahel, and indeed many voters are proud of their country’s renewed international clout. They are persuaded by Mr Hollande’s assertion that the fight against terrorism cannot be won on the home front alone.
民調顯示，法國人強烈支持在中東和薩赫勒地區採取軍事行動，的確很多選民對於法國重拾國際影響力感到驕傲。他們認同奧朗德的斷言，即僅靠國內行動無法擊敗恐怖主義。
Despite this resilience, some difficult questions remain to be answered. Were the murdered journalists provided with sufficient protection, given the number of threats made against them?
儘管法國人展現出這種韌性，但是一些棘手的問題仍然有待解答。考慮到《查理週刊》那些遇害的新聞從業者曾面對的諸多威脅，他們是否被給予了足夠的保護？
Why were the intelligence services taken by surprise in January and again in November? Is the French state strong enough to confront the threat of terrorism effectively now that it appears to be one of the principal targets of Isis in Europe?
爲什麼在1月份措手不及後，情報部門對11月發生的襲擊仍然毫無防備？既然法國似乎成爲了ISIS在歐洲的主要目標之一，法國政府是否強大到能夠有效應對恐怖主義的威脅？
A strong state is not one that violates its fundamental values in the name of security. The country that invented human rights cannot be seen to flout the Universal Declaration of Human Rights — a document that it helped to inspire.
一個強大的國家，不會以安全的名義去違背自己的根本價值觀。最先提出人權的國家不能公然蔑視當初它給予靈感的《世界人權宣言》(Universal Declaration of Human Rights)。
Yet, with the government’s proposal to strip French citizenship from dual nationals convicted of terrorist offences, France risks doing just that.
但是，鑑於法國政府提議對被判犯有恐怖主義罪行的雙重國籍人士剝奪其法國國籍，法國正面臨着這種風險。
This step will not act as a deterrent against terrorism: anyone willing to blow themselves up will care little about losing their French passport. Worse, the plan evokes, however faintly, the measures taken during the second world war by the Vichy regime against French citizens of Jewish origin.
此舉不會起到震懾恐怖主義的作用：願意充當人體炸彈的人不會在乎失去法國護照。更糟的是，該計劃有可能讓人想起二戰期間維希政權針對猶太裔法國公民的所作所爲。
The effectiveness of France’s interventionist foreign policy stance is also unclear. It is doubtful that bombing Isis forces in Iraq and Syria makes a real difference unless it is accompanied by the use of competent regional forces on the ground.
法國採取干涉主義外交政策姿態的效果也不明顯。除非配合有戰鬥力的當地武裝力量的地面作戰，否則在伊拉克和敘利亞轟炸ISIS的有效性令人懷疑。
Beneath these uncertainties lie cultural and social fractures that run deep in France and may have grown deeper in the past year.
這些不確定性的背後是法國深層次的文化割裂和社會分裂，過去一年這些問題可能進一步惡化了。
The slogan proudly adopted by millions last January was “Je suis Charlie” — but by no means everyone in France is Charlie.
去年1月，數百萬人曾高喊“我是查理”(Je suis Charlie)的口號，但是這絕不意味着現在每個法國人都是查理。
The cover of the “anniversary” issue of Charlie Hebdo, published this week, which depicts God as an “assassin still at large”, will do little to assuage those who believe the magazine to be gratuitously offensive.
《查理週刊》恐襲“週年”特刊於日前發行，其封面把上帝描畫成一個“仍然逍遙法外的兇手”，這絲毫不能緩和那些認爲該雜誌無端冒犯信仰的人的憤怒。
More seriously, if France wants to continue to present itself to the world as the country of liberty, equality and fraternity — and it should probably add “security” if it is serious about protecting the democratic nature of the French republic — those in charge have to answer fundamental questions.
更嚴重的是，如果法國想繼續向世界表明它是一個自由、平等、友愛——如果它真的想保住法蘭西共和國的民主本質，還應該加入“安全”——的國家，執政者就必須回答這些根本問題。
The most important of these concerns the progress that the authorities have made in trying to regain control of the republic’s lost territories — these are the deprived suburbs of France’s biggest cities where young people, enmeshed in crime, drugs and violence, have become the foot soldiers of jihad.
其中最重要的問題，涉及到當局在試圖重新掌控失去的領土方面的進展。在法國一些大城市的貧困郊區，沉溺於犯罪、毒品和暴力的年輕人已經成爲了聖戰的士卒。
In order for France to remain resilient, it needs to offer a vision of progress for all its citizens and not simply to react to attacks and provocation in knee-jerk fashion.
爲了讓法國保持韌性，它需要向全體公民提出一個進展願景，而不僅僅是條件反射式地對襲擊和挑釁作出反應。
